Roman Slavery—Vocale Instrumentum

Ask just about anyone what they think of when they hear the word “slavery.” As one of my friends, a history major in Europe said, “plantations, Caribbean slavery, and the European triangle trade.” While the term “European” triangle trade is debatable, he brought forth a very important point; slavery, to many people, refers primarily to African slavery in North America. What is usually not realized is the role slavery played in ancient cultures, and especially in ancient Rome. Vocale Instrumentum, or “Talking tools,” were common in Rome; the slave markets in Capua were handling about 20,000 a day, and the First Punic War brought in 75,000 prisoners who were sold to Roman masters. Roman slaves carried out a plethora of jobs, and here I’ll expand on a few of them.

A nomenclator, or as Vicki Leon calls him, “the forerunner of the BlackBerry™;” the nomenclator had to have a photographic memory for his job; he had to remember every face an important Roman ever saw and be able to associate that face with a name. Often, Roman senators had at least two nomenclators on their staff, and often more, as they were expected to greet every one of their clients like a long-lost friend. Often, during the period of the empire, the height of pretension was when one needed a nomenclator to identify his own staff of slaves.

Everyone knows about gladiatorial fights; and most people know that they were fought by gladiator slaves. Often taught at a ludi, a gladiatorial school, gladiators often washed out of these schools, and became fodder for animals or other killings in the arena. Gladiators were assessed for speed, strength, size, and skill level, and were separated into one of the five classic styles of gladiatorial fighting: Thracian, Samnite, retiarius, murmillo, or secutor. Although many people think that Gladiator fights always ended in a death, this is not the case. Owners of gladiators had devoted a lot of resources to these men (and sometimes, though not often, women,) and did not want to see their men killed on a whim. When a gladiator was killed, the sponsor of the game was billed one hundred times the man’s original cost to his owner. Even though it was a hard profession, however, the true professionals truly enjoyed their work. One gladiator, Flamma, was offered retirement four times without taking it.

Some Roman slaves worked as silver miners, laying on their backs in coffin-sized boxes in mines all day. Forty thousand male and female slaves toiled in a single silver mine in Spain, with a life expectancy of three months. Still others were legionary slaves, who helped out the legendary Roman soldiers in battles with their armor and carrying the rest of the soldier’s gear.

Slaves of course were employed as scribes in Rome, doing everything from private secretary work to being editors and librarians and copyists. Of course, being a copyist meant copying an entire book by hand as the book was read to them. Many scribes worked on the Acta Diurna, the Daily Record, and the closest thing Rome had to a newspaper. When a rich Roman didn’t want to walk to the forum to read the posted Acta, he’d send one of his own scribes to copy the latest one down, allowing him to read it at home.

Certainly there were good jobs for slaves; female slaves, for example, would fight to be a sandaligerula, in charge of a high-born Roman’s shoes. Some slaves, as made famous by many movies, carried fans for their mistress and keeping her cool, though often the position was just for show. Slaves with a flair for music could be fistulators—carrying a reed pitch pipe to be sure their owner started his speech on the correct pitch. Some lucky slaves were Triumph slaves; as a Roman general rode through the city after killing five thousand or more enemies, being celebrated almost as a God, the Triumph slave would whisper into his ear, “Remember that you are only a mortal. You are not that great,” and other such remarks, all while holding a golden crown over the general’s head.

Of course, there were terrible jobs for slaves as well; some were executioners, whose position was considered so low that he was not allowed to live around other people, occupying a hovel outside of the city. Some slaves were made to maintain the 144 public latrines in the city of Rome, and even more elsewhere; although they sometimes could get tipped, it wasn’t an enjoyable job. Finally, probably the most hated slaves in Rome were silentiarius—slaves who carried around a whip or rod in the household to keep slaves from making noise when the master or mistress was around.

There were of course slave revolts—the Servile wars, one led by the famous Spartacus, but none were ever able to abolish the practice completely. Slaves in Roman times were also not taken based on ethnicity or race; often they were criminals, prisoners-of-war, or others who were simply not Roman. Slowly, the slavery of Roman days transformed into the serfdom of the middle ages, but truly which was more appealing? Slavery, where one was at least fed and paid by a master who had an investment in you, or serfdom, wherein you could not do anything but farm your meager plot of land and hope for your noble to care for you. Though it is true that Roman slavery was a cruel institution, does it seem crueler than the serfdom to come?

Plautus Caricatures a Slave-owner (201 B.C.)

Titus Maccius Plautus-Roman Playwright

Ballio [a cruel slaveowner addressing his servants]

Get out , come, out with all of you, you rascals; kept at a loss, and bought at a loss. Not one of you dreams minding your business or being a bit of use to me unless I carry on thus! (He whips them.) Never did I see men more like asses than you! Why, your ribs are hardened with the stripes. If one flogs you, he hurts himself the most! (Aside) Regular whipping posts are all they are, and all they do is to pilfer, purloin, prig, plunder, drink, eat, and abscond! Oh, they look decent enough, but they’re cheats in their conduct!

(To the slaves). Now unless you’re all attention, unless you get that sloth and drowsiness out of your breasts and eyes, I’ll have your sides so thoroughly marked with thongs that you’ll outvie those Campanian coverlets in color, or a regular Alexandrian tapestry, purple-broidered all over with beasts. Yesterday I gave each of you his special job, but you’re so worthless, neglectful, stubborn, that I must remind you with a good basting. So you think, I guess, you’ll get the better of this whip and of me—by your stout hides! Zounds! But your hdes won’t prover harder than my good cowhide. (He flourishes it) Look at this, please! Give heed to this! (He flogs one slave.) Well? Does it hurt? Now stand all of you here, you race born to be thrashed! Turn your ears this way! Give heed to what I say. You fellow that’s got the pitcher, fetch the water. Take care the kettle’s full instanter. You who’s got the axe, look after chopping the wood.

How to Keep a Slave (170 B.C.)

Cato the Elder

            Country slaves ought to recieve in the winter, when they are at work, four modii [1 modii=1 quarter bushel] of grain; and four modii and a half during the summer. The superintendent, the housekeeper, the watchmen, and the shepherd get three modii, slaves in chains four pounds of bread in winter and five pounds from the time when the work of training the vines ought to begin until the figs have ripened.

            Wine for the slaves. After the vintage let them drink from the sour wine for three months. The fourth month let them have a hemina [1/2 pint] per day or two congii and a half [more than seven quarts] per month. During the fifth, six, seventh, and eighth months let them have a sextarius [about a pint] per day or five congii per month. Finally, in the ninth, tenth, and the eleventh months, let them have three heminae [three-fourths of a quart] per day or an amphora [about six gallons] per month. On the Saturnalia and on “Compitalia” each man should have a congius [about three quarts].

            To feed the slaves. Let the olives that drop of themselves be kept so far as possible. Keep too those harvested olives that do not yield much oil, and husband them, for they last a long time. When the olives have been consumed, give out the brine and vinegar. You should distribute to every one a sextarius of oil per months, a modius of salt apiece is enough for a year.

            As for clothes, give out a tunic of three feet and a half, and a cloak once in two years. When you give a tunic or cloak take back the old ones, to make cassocks out of. Once in two years, good shoes should be given.

            Winter wine for the slaves. Put in a wooden cask ten parts of must [non-fermented wine] and two parts of very pungent vinegar, and add two parts of boiled wine and fifty of sweet water. With a paddle mix all these thrice per day for five days in succession. Add one forth-eighth of sea-water drawn sometime earlier. Place the lid on the cask and let it ferment for ten days. This wine will last until the solstice. If any remains after that time, it will make very sharp excellent vinegar.

Reward for Capture: Runaway Slaves (156 B.C.)

Anon

            A slave named Hermon, also answering to Nilos, belonging to Aristognus, the son of Chrysippus, the Alabandan ambassador in Alexandria, has run away. A Syrian by birth from Bombyce, he is eighteen years old, of medium height, clean shaven, thin legged, with a dimple on his chin, a mole on the left side of his nose, and a scar on the left of his face above the lips, with two foreign signs tattooed on his right wrist. He took with him three boxes of coined gold, ten pearls, and an iron ring on which were a flask and strigils. Anyone who apprehends him shall receive three talents, two talents for pointing him out in sanctuary, or five talents for showing him to be at the house of a man answerable at law. Information should be lodged with the general’s secretary.

            Another slave, Bion, the property of Callicrates, a chief equerry at court, ran away with him. He is short in stature, broad across the shoulders, with fat legs and bright eyes. When he left he was wearing an himaton and a slave’s cloak, and took a woman’s dress worth nearly seven talents of copper. The same rewards as above are offered for his arrest. Information to be lodged with the general’s secretary.

Spartacus Revolts (73 B.C.)

Plutarch

            The insurrection of the gladiators and the devastation of Italy, commonly called the war of Spartacus, began upon this occasion. One Lentulus Batiates trained up a great many gladiators in Capua, most of them Gauls and Thracians, who, not for any fault by them committed, but simply through the cruelty of their master, were kept in confinement for the object of fighting one with another. Two hundred of these formed a plan to escape, but their plot being discovered, those of them who became aware of it in time to anticipate their master, being seventy-eight, got out of a cook’s shop chopping knives and spits, and made their way through the city, and lighting by the way on several wagons that were carrying gladiators’ arms to another city, they seized upon them and armed themselves. And seizing upon a defensible place, they chose three captains, of whom Spartacus was chief, a Thracian of one of the nomad tribes, and a man not only of high spirit and valiaut, but in understanding also, and in gentleness, superior to his condition, and more of a Grecian than the people of his country usually are.

            First, then, routing those that came out of Capua against them and thus procuring a quantity of proper soldiers’ arms, they gladly threw away their own barbarous and dishonorable. After many successful skirmishes with Varinus, the praetor himself, in one of which Spartacus took his lictors and his own horse, he began to be great and terrible; but wisely considering that he was not to expect to match the force of the empire, he marched his army towards the alps, intending, when he had passed them, that every man should go to his own home; some to Thrace, some to Gaul. But they, grown confident in their numbers, and puffed up with their success, would give no obedience to him, but went about and ravaged Italy; so that now the Senate was not only moved at the indignity and baseness, both of the enemy and of the insurrection, but, looking upon it as a matter of alarm and of dangerous consequence, sent out both the consuls to it, as to a great and difficult enterprise.  The consul Gellius, falling suddenly upon a party of Germans, who through contempt and confidence had straggled from Spartacus, cut them all to pieces. But when Lentulus with a large army besieged Spartacus, he sallied out upon him, and, joining battle, defeated his chief officers, and captured all his baggage. As he made towards the Alps, Cassius, who was praetor of that part of Gaul that lies about the Po, met him with ten thousand men, but being over come in battle, he had much ado to escape himself, with a loss of a great many of his men.

            The Senate in disgust now sent Crassus against the rebels. Spartacus, however, defeated Mummius, Crassus’s lieutenant, and the general had to restore discipline among the demoralized Romans by executing fifty who had begun the flight; later he advanced again. . . but Spartacus retreated through Lucania toward the sea, and in the straits, meeting with some Cilician pirate ships, he had thoughts of attempting Sicily, where, by landing two thousand men, he hoped to kindle anew the war of the slaves, which was lately extinguished, and seemed to need but a little fuel to set it burning again. But after the pirates had struck a bargain with him, and received his earnest, they deceived him and sailed away. He thereupon retired again from the sea, and established his army in the peninsula of Rhegium. Here Crassus tried to blockade him. Spartacus escaped with part of his army to Lucania, but some of Spartacus’s followers mutinied and left him. This division of malcontents was soon destroyed by Crassus.

            Spartacus, after this discomfiture, retired to the mountains of Petelia, but Quintius, one of Crassus’s officers, and Scrofa, the quaestor, pursued and overtook him. But when Spartacus rallied and faced them, they were utterly routed and fled, and had much ado to carry off their quaestor, who was wounded. This success however ruined Spartacus, because it encouraged the slaves, who now disdained any longer to avoid fighting, or to obey there officers, but as they were upon their march, they came to them with swords in their hand and compelled them to lead them back again through Lucania, against the Romans, the very thing which Crassus was eager for. For news was already brought that Pompey [Crassus’ main rival politically and militarily] was at hand; and people began to talk openly that the honor of this war was reserved for him, who would come and at once oblige the enemy to fight and put an end to the war. Crassus, therefore, eager to fight a decisive battle, encamped very near the enemy, and began to make lines of circumvallation; but the slaves made a sally, and attacked the pioneers. As fresh supplies came in on either side, Spartacus, seeing there was no avoiding it, set all his army in array, and when his horse was brought him, he drew out his sword and killed him saying, if he got the day, he should have a great many better horses of the enemies, and if he lost it, he should have no need of this. And so making directly towards Crassus himself, through the midst of arms and wounds, he missed him, but slew two centurions that were about him, he himself stood his ground, and, surrounded by the enemy, bravely defending himself, was cut in pieces.

Gladiatorial Shows, Rome (50 A.D.)

Seneca

            I happened to go to one of these shows at the time of the lunch-hour interlude, expecting there to be some light and witty entertainment then, some respite for the purpose of affording people’s eyes a rest from human blood. Far from it. All the earlier contests were charity in comparison. The nonsense is dispensed with now: what we have now is murder, pure and simple. The combatants have nothing to protect them. Their whole bodies are exposed to the blows; every thrust they launch gets home. A great many spectators prefer this to ordinary matches and even to the special popular demand ones. And quite naturally. There are no helmets and no shields repelling the weapons. What is the point of armor? Or of skill? All that sort of thing just makes the death slower in coming. In the morning men are thrown to the lions and the bears: but it is the spectators they are thrown to in the lunch hour. The spectators insist that each on killing his man shall be thrown against another to be killed in his turn; and the eventual victor is reserved by them for some other form of butchery; the only exit for the contestants is death. Fire and steel keep the slaughter going, and this happens while the arena is virtually empty. . .

            Lately a gladiator, who had been sent forth to the morning exhibition was being conveyed in a cart along with the other prisoners; nodding as if he were heavy with sleep, he let his head fall over so far that it was caught in the spokes; then he kept his body in position long enough to break his neck by revolution of the wheel. So he made his escape by means of the very wagon which was carrying him to punishment. . .

            During the second event in a sham sea-fight one of the barbarians sank deep into his own throat a spear which had been given him for use against his foe. “Why, oh why,” he said, “have I not long ago escaped from all of this torture and all of this mockery? Why should I be armed and yet wait for death to come?” The exhibition was all the more striking because of the lesson men learn from it that dying is more honorable than killing.

Slaves Murder their Master, Moli Di Gaeta (circa 100 A.D.)

Pliny the Younger

            This horrible affair demands more publicity than a letter—Larcius Macedo, a senator and ex-praetor, has fallen a victim to his own slaves. Admittedly he was a cruel and overbearing master, to ready to forget that his father had been a slave, or perhaps too keenly conscious of it. He was taking a bath at his house at Formiae when suddenly he found himself surrounded; one slave seized him by the throat while others struck his face and hit him in the chest and stomach and—shocking to say—in his private parts. When they thought he was dead they threw him on the hot pavement, to make sure he was not still alive. Whether unconscious ore feigning to be so, he lay there quietly motionless, thus making them believe that he was quite dead. Only then was he carried out, as if he had fainted with the heat, and received by his slaves who had remained faithful, while his concubines ran up, screaming frantically. Roused by their cries and revived by the cooler air he opened his eyes and made some movement to show that he was alive, it being now safe to do so. The guilty slaves fled, but most of them have been arrested and a search is being made for the others. Macedo was brought back to life with difficulty, but only for a few days; at least he died with the satisfaction of having revenged himself, for he lived to see the same punishment meted out as for murder. There you see the dangers, outrages, and insults to which we are exposed. No master can feel safe because he is kind and considerate; for it is their brutality, not their reasoning capacity, which leads slaves to murder their masters.